THIS BLOG is NOW RETIRED

I began this blog in May 2009 following the death of Marcia Powell at Perryville State Prison in Goodyear, Arizona. It is not intended to prescribe the path that leads to freedom from the prison industrial complex.

Rather, these are just my observations in arguably the most racist, fascist, militaristic state in the nation at a critical time in history for a number of intersecting liberation movements. From Indigenous resistance to genocidal practices, to the fight over laws like SB1070 and the ban on Ethnic Studies, Arizona is at the center of many battles for human rights, and thus the struggle for prison abolition as well - for none are free until all are. I retired the blog in APRIL 2013.

Visit me now at Arizona Prison Watch or Survivors of Prison Violence-AZ
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Showing posts with label criminalization of poverty. Show all posts
Showing posts with label criminalization of poverty. Show all posts

Tuesday, May 17, 2011

FOOD NOT BOMBS Days of Action (May 18-24)!

Took this important story off a Spacebook site. PHX Food Not Bombs will be participating in some fashion. Read on for more info...this is really troubling.


---------------GLOBAL SOLIDARITY WITH FOOD NOT BOMBS---------------


Arresting Food Not Bombs is Censorship! Support the Orlando Volunteers!

Global days of action May 18 - 24, 2011

"There has to be some kind of (police) action. At this point it seems to be a political statement on their part not a food give away issue."
SAN FRANCISCO POLICE SPOKESMAN JERRY SENKIR 1988

"They don't want to feed the hungry, they just want to make an anarchist type statement and we aren't going to allow it."
SAN FRANCISCO POLICE CAPTAN DENNIS MARTEL 1989

"I certainly hope that law abiding citizens that are not out to make mischief would adhere to the ordinance."
ORLANDO BUDDY DYER 2011

On April 12, 2011 the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the City of Orlando could limit Food Not Bombs right to share information and food to the public to twice a year per park. Other Florida cities may follow Orlando's path. This ruling comes at a time when the message of Food Not Bombs is more important than ever. Poverty and hunger are increasing as military spending grows and public investment social services, education and healthcare are slashed. The city of Orlando could begin its arrests of Food Not Bombs volunteers as early as May 18, 2011, the first meal 30 days after the ruling. Food Not Bombs groups have been invited to share free food and literature under their banner that week in a global defiance of this order.

The authorities don't object so much to the groups feeding of the hungry. What worries government and corporate leaders is our message. The San Francisco police made this clear in 1988 when they offered to provide city buses to take the hungry out to an armory at Ocean Beach telling the media that they didn't object to our providing food and that the problem was that we were "making a political statement" and that was not allowed. 

After 1,000 arrests the San Francisco Police used a more effective strategy. They figured out a way for the group to discontinue bringing literature and a banner to the meals. San Francisco Food Not Bombs slowly became invisible and they fed less and less people. People passing the meal assumed they were a well meaning church group. The discussions about national priorities ended. Instead of feeding two or three hundred people the group was sharing food with forty or fifty of the cities most needy people at a time when more people need food and the economy was in decline. 

People that happened to know this meal was organized by Food Not Bombs naturally assumed this was the method that had inspired ten years of police repression and reproduced the food only meals in other cities around the United States. Those groups were sending the message that as long as we are providing food to the hungry our political and economic system is fine. Most people had no idea they were part of a global movement organized to change society so no one had to rely on a soup kitchen for food and that everyone would have the freedom to eat when and where they wished without having to worry about where their next meal would be coming from. The impact of sharing food, information and conversation with hundreds of people with the goal of inspiring social change and rebellion was absent. 

When millions of Americans go hungry each day how can we spend half the federal budget on preparing for war? In the past year San Francisco Food Not Bombs is turning this image around. Encouraging this debate is easy. Collect stacks of literature from local organizations, print up some flyers about Food Not Bombs, place them in a bag or box and place your Food Not Bombs banner on top. Take this to the meal, set out the literature and hang the banner in a way where the most people possible can see it and start sharing your tasty vegan dishes. After two hours dozens of people, maybe hundreds will have contemplated the idea that we really can end hunger and poverty if only we redirected our resources from wasteful programs like the military. Repeat this every week and before long as happened in Iceland at our weekly Food Not Bombs action people will be marching to the parliament and inspiring change.

We first realized the power of sharing vegan meals and literature on March 26, 1991 when the first Food Not Bombs collective dressed as hobos and shared soup outside the stockholders meeting of the National Bank of Boston to protest their investment in Seabrook Nuclear Power Station. Over 50 people came to share food and express concern about the dangers of the nuclear industry. We were attempting to build popular support against the nuclear industry. We were seeking to stop the board of directors from investing their depositor's money on risky and dangerous projects. Projects that could lead to nuclear meltdowns, ecological collapse or as Reagan suggested, nuclear war. The Board of directors of the Bank of Boston also sat on the board of Babcock and Willcox, the company that was building Seabrook Nuclear Power station and many of them also sat on the board of the Public Service Company of New Hampshire who was buying the power station. These bankers also profited from the nuclear weapons industry. Their policy of lending themselves millions of dollars with little public oversight was reminiscent of the bank practices that caused the Great Depression in the 1930's.

We decided to make that point visible by dressing as hobos and setting up a soup line outside the annual stockholders meeting of the bank. I was a produce worker and discarded several cases of produce every morning so soup was an easy vehicle for our protest. As we prepared tour huge pot of soup we became concerned that there would not be enough people participating to represent a Depression era soup line so I went down to the Pine Street Inn and told the assembled homeless that we were planning a protest at noon outside the Federal Reserve Bank at South Station. They responded with excitement about the protest. Even so we were surprised when over 50 people showed to partake of the first Food Not Bombs meal. 

We set out literature including the details of how the board members of the bank also controlled companies like General Electric, Raytheon and other leaders in military contracts. We also shared literature from the War Resisters League showing that half the federal budget was spent on the military.Our banner and literature caught the attention of stockholders and business people passing our table and before long men in expensive suits were having serious conversations with people that often slept at the Pine Street Inn. People that never spoke to one another discovered that there wasn't much difference between them. Our literature inspired debate on the issues of military spending and the real security of housing, education, healthcare and food.

Thirty years later the world is facing the most lethal nuclear disaster since the atomic bombings of Japan. The Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power station is on the verge of melting down. The global economy is in crisis due to the policies of bankers investing for their own benefit. Experts might call it the "Great Recession" but for billions of people it feels more like a Great Depression is on the horizon. Bank executives lobbied for deregulation, sold bad mortgages, reaped the profits letting the economy collapse. Food prices are increasing at fastest pace in thirty years as speculators move to invest in commodities. At the same time the Supreme Court ruling in the Citizens United case claims that corporations have the First Amendment right to spend unlimited money to influence American politics while the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Food Not Bombs is limited to express it's message to twice a year per park in Orlando. Food Not Bombs volunteers are defying the ruling and continue to share food and literature under the banner Food Not Bombs willing to risk arrest to defend the First Amendment right to express our message that food is a right and not a privilege and that real security could be achieved by diverting military spending towards human needs.

When the San Francisco police started arresting us in 1988 they told the media that they didn't have a problem with us feeding the hungry but that Food Not Bombs was trying to make a "political statement" and they wouldn't "allow that." The banner and literature were the first targets of the police during the nearly nine years of arrests and beatings in San Francisco. When it was clear that strategy was backfiring the police developed a more effective policy of sending informants to discourage the use of banners and literature. Having erased the political statement Food Not Bombs was free to share food and the chapter slowly devolved into the environment feeding less and less hungry, recovering less and less food and retaining fewer volunteers until it became an invisible "Nine Gallons" of soup as described in Susie Cagle's graphic novel. 

Church groups handed out their bible tracts and potential volunteers called discouraged that they had gone to United Nations Plaza but could not find Food Not Bombs. Those activists that were persistent and learned that it was Food Not Bombs started their local chapters based on their impression that the San Francisco group was he most significant chapter and reproduced the model sharing vegan meals without literature and a banner not realizing volunteers had suffered violent beatings, torture and faced long prison sentences defending the First Amendment Right to share literature under the banner Food Not Bombs. Food Not Bombs volunteers in San Francisco are working hard to make sure banners and literature are at every meal. Authorities will not silence their message. Their visible presence is sure to encourage more volunteers, food donations and attract more hungry to their meals. Their historic position in the Food Not Bombs world is sure to inspire a stronger more visible challenge to a militaristic United States as they influence the use of banners and literature at chapters all over the United States at this critical time.

April 5, 2007 Orlando Food Not Bombs activists Eric Montanez, was arrested for sharing food with more then 24 people in violation of the cities "Large Group Feeding Permit" law. Eric was found innocent and a Federal judge ruled the law unconstitutional and a violation of our First Amendment right to Free Speech but on April 12, 2011 the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeal ruled the city could restrict Food Not Bombs to sharing it's message and food to twice a year per park. The message that resources should be redirected from the military to basic human needs should be supported. The impact of showing volunteers are able to provide nutritious vegan meals to hundreds of hungry Americans while encouraging conversation on our national priorities should happen every day on every corner and park in every town and city in the United States not restricted to twice a year per park.

The United States is not alone in attempting to silence Food Not Bombs. The Belarus dictator Alexander Lukashenko is also ordering the arrest of our volunteers each week in Minsk attempting to silence efforts to develop a free and democratic future.

A young Tunisian produce worker Tarek al-Tayyib Muhammad Bouazizi set himself on fire on December 17, 2010 fed up by police abuse and high price of food sparking a global wave of uprisings. Those wealthy bankers are seeking to squeeze every last cent out of an increasingly desperate people. Hunger and cruelty of the super rich is sparking a global uprising. The billionaires are responding by murdering their people. The global revolt is spreading from Tunisia, Egypt, Oman, Libya, Bahrain, Yemen, Algeria to China, Korea and the United States. People are rising up from Wisconsin and Michigan to England, Iceland, Greece, Croatia, and France. Replacing failed social structures with a sustainable system maybe more difficult then over throwing governments. 

But still there is an urgent desire to bring democracy, dignity, basic necessities, if nothing else some sanity to our world. The richest 2 percent already own over half the world's wealth and resources. And they seem to want more even though nearly a billion people go hungry each day. Are we really prepared to allow our last penny to be delivered to the ruthless destroyers of our future? 

As the Food Not Bombs faces repression in the United States we are witnessing unprecedented disasters stemming from the public's cooperation with a mad political and economic system. We let the billionaires lead us to this point. Too many of us bought their products and their philosophy. The owners of BP continue to live in spender after they commanded one of the world's worst oil gushers as do the Wall Street executives that plunged millions into unemployment, homelessness and hunger. These mad men claim ownership of billions of suffering animals farmed in factories, the genetics of our food seeds, acres of ancient forests, gallons of fresh water, oil, gas and minerals all treated as products to be sold to a world of consumers. 

Now we are a world of consumers without money, shelter, food or dignity. Consuming war, radioactive fallout, near slavery and toxic "food." What near apocalyptic event or poverty inducing theft is in our future? While ladling soup outside stockholders meeting we were concerned that we could face a future of nuclear disasters, environmental catastrophes and a global economic collapse. We urged those visiting our first Food Not Bombs meal to join us in building resistance to the policies that could bring ruin to our world. Our literature and speech invited them to withhold their support of the "culture of death" and join us in transforming society. 

Maybe by practicing democracy using consensus in our groups or sowing hope and a feeling of abundance with our sharing of vegan meals we would have some influence in our community. Thirty years later it is clear that our concerns were well founded and the need for change couldn't be more urgent. There has never been a time when encouraging dialog on the issue of redirecting military spending towards food, healthcare and education is more urgently needed. Defying the courts order to restrict our ability to reach the public with our message and feed as many people as possible is our obligation under the current conditions.

Back in 1981 we could not have seen was that our tiny theatrical soup line would be joined by thousands of others. Not only seeking to end their own painful hunger but to join us in our effort to stop the web of disastrous policies. Each crisis has inspired another wave of volunteers eager to participate with Food Not Bombs. Eager to take a stand and feed the hungry. Rushing to participate, having been forced into poverty or inspired to insurrection by the untenable conditions.

We are eager to welcome you to our table. There is enough for everyone if we withdraw our support for the system of exploitation and have the passion to implement a nurturing community where everyone's ideas are respected. Cultivate community and reap revolution. Cook for peace and transform the world with food not bombs.

Orlando Large Group Feeding Permit Law

Except for activities of a governmental agency within the scope of its governmental authority, or unless specifically permitted to do so by a permit or approval issued pursuant to this Chapter or by City Council: (a) It is unlawful to knowingly sponsor, conduct, or participate in the distribution or service of food at a large group feeding at a park or park facility owned or controlled by the City of Orlando within the boundary of the Greater Downtown Park District without a Large Group Feeding Permit issued by the City Director of Families, Parks and Recreation or his/her designee. (b) It is unlawful to fail to produce and display the Large Group Feeding Permit during or after a large group feed- ing, while still on site, to a law enforcement officer upon de- mand. It is an affirmative defense to this violation if the offender can later produce, to the City Prosecutor or the Court, a Large Group Feeding Permit issued to him/her, or the group, which was valid at the time of the event. (c) The Director of Families, Parks and Recreation or his/her designee shall issue a Large Group Feeding Permit upon application and payment of the application fee as es- tablished by the City. Not more than two (2) Large Group Feeding Permits shall be issued to the same person, group, or organization for large group feedings for the same park in the GDPD in a twelve (12) consecutive month period. (d) Any applicant shall have the right to appeal the denial of a Large Group Feeding Permit pursuant to appeal procedure in Section 18A.15 with written notice to the Director of Families, Parks and Recreation and with a copy to the City Clerk.

FOOD NOT BOMBS GATHERING - Orlando Florida

Wednesday, May 18, 2011 - Orlando Food Not Bombs City Hall Action - Risk arrest sharing vegan meals and literature under the banner Food Not Bombs at 400 South Orange Avenue and the corner of South Street in Orlando, Florida

Friday, May 20, 2011- Opening show at the Banana Hammock in Orlando, Florida


Saturday, May 21st and Sunday, May 22, 2011 - Florida Food Not Bombs Gathering - Communications Workers of America Union Hall - Local 3108 - 2220 Edgewater Drive, Orlando, FL 32804 - All Food Not Bombs groups and activist groups are welcomed, Co hosted with One Struggle, and Direct action South Florida. We will be discussing how to build a stronger Food Not Bombs movement in Florida and how to build a stronger anti-capitalist movement in Florida

(Photo: Eric Montanez arrested sharing food and literature in Orlando, Florida)

http://www.foodnotbombs.net/arresting_fnb_censorship.html

Sunday, July 11, 2010

Support Food Not Bombs!


This is bad news from the courts - and may herald a new series of city ordinances all over the country trying to silence anti-war and anti-poverty activists. Still the ruling won't stop Orlando Food Not Bombs from feeding the hungry and exposing the mechanisms by which Americans starve our poor to death. Make sure to watch the backs of our own Food-not-bombers here in Phoenix, folks: we need them...in fact, I'll put up a widget with their contact info and meal schedule.

Support these folks in Orlando, please - they're going to get arrested for asserting their first amendment rights and feeding hungry people.

What is wrong with this country, anyway?

More power to you and your comrades, Keith. We're rooting for you out here.

------------------------------


FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

July 11, 2010

CONTACT: Food Not Bombs
Keith McHenry - cofounder
575-770-3377
menu@foodnotbombs.net
http://www.foodnotbombs.net/fnb_resists.html
http://orlandofoodnotbombs.org/

ORLANDO FOOD NOT BOMBS TO DEFY FEDERAL COURT RULING

The 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals July 6 opinion against Orlando Food Not Bombs is another example of the Federal Courts disregard for the public good. The court ruling will not stop Orlando Food Not Bombs from continuing to provide free meals in protest to war and poverty.

“We accept that Orlando Food Not Bombs had the requisite expressive intent, but we believe that the feedings in this case present at most an ambiguous situation to an objective reasonable observer… Just feeding people in the park is conduct too ambiguous to allow us to conclude that a great likelihood exists that an objective reasonable observer would understand that the feeders are trying to convey a message.” - Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals Judges Edmondson, Barkett, and Baldock

WASHINGTON D.C. - Two days after America celebrated "Independence Day" the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Atlanta found that the First Amendment of the United States Constitution does not protect Food Not Bombs and The First Vagabonds Church of God's right to free expression. TheEleventh Circuit Court judgement against Food Not Bombs joins the Supreme Court's "Citizens United" ruling and the Federal Fifth Circuit ruling against the six-month moratorium on deepwater drilling in showing a disregard for the public good on behalf of corporate greed.

Eric Montanez, one of the Orlando Food Not Bombs volunteers arrested two years ago, helped carry on the group's regular Wednesday night feeding at Lake Eola Park as scheduled ­ and pledged to continue doing so regardless of what happens.

"The city is criminalizing homelessness and poverty and criminalizing individuals and organizations in the community that are trying to address those problems," Montanez said.

Orlando City Attorney Mayanne Downs said at a news conference earlier Wednesday that enforcement won't begin for at least 20 days ­ the amount of time that Orlando Food Not Bombs and other homeless activists who sued the city over the rules have to go back to court.

Food Not Bombs is not "Just feeding people in the park" but is seeking to express in the most effective means possible that America should redirect it's resources from military spending towards food, housing, education, healthcare and other basic needs. Providing free food to the hungry in the most visible location possible under the banner Food Not Bombs is the most
effective means of expressing this message. The court ruling will not stop Food Not Bombs from continuing to provide free meals in protest to war and poverty.

Federal court censorship of Food Not Bombs at this point in history is particularly disturbing considering that U.S. military spending and homeless and hunger are all at record levels. It is more important then ever for the message of Food Not Bombs to have as much impact as possible on American taxpayers by sharing free meals with the hungry under the banner Food Not Bombs in the most visible locations possible. U.S. taxpayers were asked to pay at least $663.8 billion this year for their military as 40 million Americans require Food Stamps millions of people are waiting for unemployment checks and A record 3 million homes received
foreclosure notices in 2009.

Food Not Bombs shares vegan and vegetarian meals in over 1,000 cities around the world. Nine Food Not Bombs were arrested in San Francisco on August 15, 1988. The cities campaign to silence Food Not Bombs ended in 1995 after police made nearly 1,000 arrests. Amnesty International declared all Food Not Bombs volunteers "prisoners of conscience" in 1995
and the United Nations Human Rights Commission, Food First and many other groups came to the organizations aid. Local authorities have arrested Food Not Bombs volunteers in nearly 20 cities in the United States. The only time volunteers have been arrested for feeding the hungry outside the United States was in Utrecht, The Netherlands in the late 1990's. The police apologized for the mistake.

Orlando Food Not Bombs can expect world wide support if threatened again with arrest. Volunteers from all over the United States are likely to travel to Orlando to risk arrest. Food Not Bombs has an eastern United States Gathering planned for November in Washington D.C. where the subject of coordinated global actions will be discussed. Orlando Food Not Bombs will ask full appeals court to rehear the case.

The Eleventh Circuit Court judgement against Food Not Bombs and The First Vagabonds Church of God
http://www.ca11.uscourts.gov/opinions/ops/200816788.pdf

###

Requiring permits to feed homeless in parks upheld
http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/news.aspx?id=23141

Orlando Can Restrict Homeless Feedings
http://www.courthousenews.com/2010/07/09/28708.htm

Appeals court sides with Orlando on food ban‎
http://www.miamiherald.com/2010/07/07/1718906/appeals-court-sides-with-orlando.html

Orlando group defies federal judge's ruling, continues to feed homeless
http://wdbo.com/localnews/2010/07/orlando-group-defies-federal-j.html

Homeless advocates decry court ruling restricting feedings in parks
http://www.orlandosentinel.com/features/os-homeless-feed-reax-20100707,0,2019022.story

MORE U.S. CITIES ATTACK FOOD NOT BOMBS EFFORT TO FEED THE HUNGRY

Fight over homeless feeding site heats up in Fort Lauderdale
http://weblogs.sun-sentinel.com/news/politics/broward/blog/2010/07/
fight_over_homeless_feeding_

si.html

Ordinance Would Regulate Feeding Miam's Homeless
http://cbs4.com/local/Miami.Homeless.Ordinance.2.1524574.html

Miami Florida considers anti-homeless feeding law
http://foodfreedom.wordpress.com/2010/07/11/miami-commissioner-marc-
sarnoff-proposes-jail-for-feeding-homeless/

Diablo Food Not Bombs Succeeds in Feeding the Hungry!
http://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2010/06/21/18651439.php

Wednesday, August 26, 2009

Katrina: Four Years Out.

This breaks my heart. From Left Turn and Znet through Freedom Archives' Anti-Imperialist News list-serve:

Homeless and Struggling In New Orleans


On the Fourth Anniversary of Katrina, New Orleans is Still Far From Recovery
August 25, 2009 By Jordan Flaherty

Crawling through a hole in a fence and walking through an open doorway, Shamus Rohn and Mike Miller lead the way into an abandoned Midcity hospital. They are outreach workers for the New Orleans organization UNITY for the Homeless, and they do this all day long; searching empty houses and buildings for homeless people, so they can offer services and support. "We joke about having turned criminal trespass into a fulltime job," says Rohn.

Up a darkened stairway and through the detritus of a building that looks like its been scavenged for anything of value to sell, Rohn and Miller enter a sundrenched room. Inside is Michael Palmer, a 57-year-old white former construction worker and merchant seaman who has made a home here. Palmer - his friends call him Mickey - is in some ways lucky. He found a room with a door that locks. He salvaged some furniture from other parts of the hospital, so he has a bed, a couch, and a rug. Best of all, he has a fourth-floor room with a balcony. "Of all the homeless," he says, "I probably have the best view."

Mickey has lived here for six months. He's been homeless since shortly after Katrina, and this is by far the best place he's stayed in that time. "I've lived on the street," he says. "I've slept in a cardboard box." He is a proud man, thin and muscled with a fresh shave, clean clothes and a trim mustache. He credits a nearby church, which lets him shave and shower.

But Palmer would like to be able to pay rent again. "My apartment was around $450. I could afford $450. I can't afford $700 or $800 and that's what the places have gone up to." Keeping himself together, well-dressed and fresh, Mickey is trying to go back to the life he had. "I have never lived on the dole of the state," he says proudly. "I've never been on welfare, never collected food stamps." Palmer rented an apartment before Katrina. He did repairs and construction. "I had my own business," he says. "I had a pickup truck with all my tools, and all that went under water."

Palmer is one of thousands of homeless people living in New Orleans' storm damaged and abandoned homes and buildings. Four years after Katrina, recovery and rebuilding has come slow to this city, and there are many boarded-up homes to choose from. The Greater New Orleans Community Data Center counts 65,888 abandoned residential addresses in New Orleans, and this number doesn't include any of the many non-residential buildings, like the hospital Mickey stays in. Overall, about a third of the addresses in the city are vacant or abandoned, the highest rate in the nation. UNITY for the Homeless is the only organization surveying these spaces, and Miller and Rohn are the only fulltime staff on the project. They have surveyed 1,330 buildings - a small fraction of the total number of empty structures. Of those, 564 were unsecured. Nearly 40% of them showed signs of use, including a total of 270 bedrolls or mattresses.

Using conservative estimates, UNITY estimates at least 6,000 squatters, and a total of about 11,000 homeless individuals in the city.

UNITY workers have also found that not all people living in New Orleans' abandoned homes are squatters. In the last three months alone, they have found nine homeowners living in their own toxic, flood-damaged, often completely unrepaired homes. These are people living in buildings - identified as abandoned and not fit for human habitation - that they (or extended family members) actually own.

The abandoned building dwellers they've found are generally older than the overall homeless population, with high rates of disability and illness. The average age of folks they have found is 45, and the oldest was 90. Over 70% report or show signs of psychiatric disorders, and 42% show signs of disabling medical illnesses and problems. Disabling means "people that are facing death if not treated properly," clarifies Rohn. "We're not talking about something like high blood pressure."

Life in Abandoned Homes

"This leg here bent backwards and the muscle came up," says Naomi Burkhalter, an elderly Black woman in a wheelchair, sitting outside of the abandoned house she lives in and gesturing to her badly twisted leg. She was injured during Katrina, and can't walk. She stays in a flood-damaged house in New Orleans' Gert Town neighborhood, with no electricity or running water. She says the owner - who cannot afford to repair the home - knows she lives there, along with two other women. When they need water, they fill bottles up from neighbors. When she needs to get in and out of her house, she crawls, very slowly dragging herself up and down the steps with her hands, leaving her wheelchair outside and hoping no one takes it. Miss Naomi worked at a shrimp company and rented an apartment before Katrina. Now, between her injury and higher rents, she can no longer afford her former home. "My rent was 350 dollars," she explains. "But when I came back, my rent was up to $1200." Burkhalter has been homeless since then.

UNITY has received funding from the federal government for 752 housing vouchers specifically to help house the city's homeless population. They have put people on a list, with those in the most danger of dying if they don't get help on the top of the list. However, the vouchers still have not arrived, and at least 16 people from the list have already died while waiting. "The stress and trauma that these people have endured cannot be overstated," says Martha Kegel, executive director of UNITY. "The neighborhood infrastructure that so many people depended on is gone."

This problem was exacerbated by the demolition of thousands of units of public housing, an act which not only took away the community that many people found brought them comfort and safety, but has also made affordable rentals for poor New Orleanians even harder to find. Section 8 subsidized housing has been offered as a solution for those displaced from public housing and other poor renters, but a new study from Greater New Orleans Fair Housing Action Center (GNOFHAC) shows that discrimination keeps many people from finding quality housing through the program. According to the report, 82% of landlords in the city either refused to accept Section 8 vouchers, or added insurmountable requirements.

The study found that both discrimination on the part of landlords (99% of Section 8 voucher holders in Orleans parish are Black) and mismanagement on the part of the housing agency were barriers. One prospective landlord told a tester for GNOFHAC that he wouldn't rent to Section 8 holders, "until Black ministers...start teaching morals and ethics to their own, so they don't have litters of pups like animals, and they're not milking the system."

The mismanagement from the Housing Authority of New Orleans (HANO) was also a big problem for prospective landlords. "I faxed HANO the needed information 12 times for the rent I was never paid" said one landlord. Another housing provider said, "I called every day for a month and never got a call back."

Last month, more than a hundred members of STAND for Dignity, a grassroots membership project of the New Orleans Workers Center for Racial Justice, protested outside of the offices of HANO, decrying their lack of action. A single mother named Ayesha told the crowd that she had been on the Section 8 waiting list for eight years, and still hasn't received any help. She is paying 80% of her income on rent, and has been forced to go months at a time without water, gas or lights. George Tucker, another member of STAND, and also (like Mickey Palmer) a former merchant mariner, told the assembled crowd his story of being evicted from his apartment because HANO lost his paperwork. Because of bureaucratic carelessness, he was homeless for thirteen months. "This governmental crookedness is not new," he said. "But it cannot continue without consequences."

Last week, at least partly in response to criticism from folks like the members of STAND, HANO announced that they would accept new applications for Section 8 vouchers, for the first time in six years. The period that they will accept applications in is only a week long - from September 6 through 12.

Fear and Harassment

"My best friend died three weeks ago in this chair," says Mickey Palmer gesturing next to him in his room in the abandoned hospital. "There was two other people staying here with me. One gentleman got in an accident about two months ago and he's paralyzed in the hospital. Another friend of mine OD'ed and died here three weeks ago. My best friend. So I'm here alone."

Palmer also fears police harassment. "The police hate homeless people," he declares. "They'll arrest me on drunk in public," he says. "I haven't had a drink in months." Gesturing around the room that he has made into a home, he adds, "Of course, this is illegal. If I get caught I can not only be evicted, but incarcerated. I could go to jail for trespassing."

This fear drives the homeless further underground, and makes it even harder for organizations like UNITY to find them and offer help. "Our city has a long history of police criminalization of homelessness, so people have reason to hide," explains Martha Kegel.

Despite the size and scope of this problem, help has been hard to come by, from either the city, state, or federal government. "I'm not a politician and I'm not politically savvy," says Palmer. "But I don't think they care."

In a rare step forward last month, both houses of Louisiana's legislature unanimously passed a bill creating a statewide agency - to be almost entirely funded by the federal government - to address the issue of homelessness. However, Governor Jindal vetoed the bill. Jindal also vetoed funding for the New Orleans Adolescent Hospital, further reducing medical and mental health services in the city - another factor that has made life hard for many homeless folks in the city. As rates of mental illness rise in the city, we now have less treatment available then ever before.

For people like Mickey, caught in a city with few good paying jobs, much more expensive housing, and ever-decreasing social services, there are not many options. "At one time we were part of the city and part of the workforce," Mickey says. "But people cannot afford the housing in New Orleans anymore. I find most of the people I know, my friends, they can't afford the rent."

Like most people in his position, Palmer has felt hopelessness at his plight. "I try not to get depressed, he says, nervously flicking his lighter. "But this can get you depressed. Coming back here last night got me a little depressed."

Jordan Flaherty is a journalist, an editor of Left Turn Magazine, and a staffer with the Louisiana Justice Institute. He was the first writer to bring the story of the Jena Six to a national audience and his reporting on post-Katrina New Orleans shared a journalism award from New America Media. Audiences around the world have seen the reports he's produced for Al-Jazeera, TeleSur, and Democracy Now. He can be reached at neworleans@leftturn.org.


Housing and Homelessness in New Orleans:
UNITY of Greater New Orleans - http://www.unitygno.org
Greater New Orleans Fair Housing Action Center - http://www.gnofairhousing.org
STAND for Dignity - http://www.nowcrj.org/about-2/homeless-worker-organizing-project

Other Resources:
Left Turn Magazine - http://www.leftturn.org
Louisiana Justice Institute - http://www.louisianajusticeinstitute.org
Justice Roars - http://louisianajusticeinstitute.blogspot.com



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Monday, August 10, 2009

Is It Now a Crime to Be Poor?

By BARBARA EHRENREICH
August 9, 2009
OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR

NY Times - Is It Now a Crime to Be Poor?

IT'S too bad so many people are falling into poverty at a time when it's almost illegal to be poor. You won't be arrested for shopping in a Dollar Store, but if you are truly, deeply, in-the-streets poor, you're well advised not to engage in any of the biological necessities of life - like sitting, sleeping, lying down or loitering. City officials boast that there is nothing discriminatory about the ordinances that afflict the destitute, most of which go back to the dawn of gentrification in the '80s and '90s. "If you're lying on a sidewalk, whether you're homeless or a millionaire, you're in violation of the ordinance," a city attorney in St. Petersburg, Fla., said in June, echoing Anatole France's immortal observation that "the law, in its majestic equality, forbids the rich as well as the poor to sleep under bridges."

In defiance of all reason and compassion, the criminalization of poverty has actually been intensifying as the recession generates ever more poverty. So concludes a new study from the National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty, which found that the number of ordinances against the publicly poor has been rising since 2006, along with ticketing and arrests for more "neutral" infractions like jaywalking, littering or carrying an open container of alcohol.

The report lists America's 10 "meanest" cities - the largest of which are Honolulu, Los Angeles and San Francisco - but new contestants are springing up every day. The City Council in Grand Junction, Colo., has been considering a ban on begging, and at the end of June, Tempe, Ariz., carried out a four-day crackdown on the indigent. How do you know when someone is indigent? As a Las Vegas statute puts it, "An indigent person is a person whom a reasonable ordinary person would believe to be entitled to apply for or receive" public assistance.

That could be me before the blow-drying and eyeliner, and it's definitely Al Szekely at any time of day. A grizzled 62-year-old, he inhabits a wheelchair and is often found on G Street in Washington - the city that is ultimately responsible for the bullet he took in the spine in Fu Bai, Vietnam, in 1972. He had been enjoying the luxury of an indoor bed until last December, when the police swept through the shelter in the middle of the night looking for men with outstanding warrants.

It turned out that Mr. Szekely, who is an ordained minister and does not drink, do drugs or curse in front of ladies, did indeed have a warrant - for not appearing in court to face a charge of "criminal trespassing" (for sleeping on a sidewalk in a Washington suburb). So he was dragged out of the shelter and put in jail. "Can you imagine?" asked Eric Sheptock, the homeless advocate (himself a shelter resident) who introduced me to Mr. Szekely. "They arrested a homeless man in a shelter for being homeless."

The viciousness of the official animus toward the indigent can be breathtaking. A few years ago, a group called Food Not Bombs started handing out free vegan food to hungry people in public parks around the nation. A number of cities, led by Las Vegas, passed ordinances forbidding the sharing of food with the indigent in public places, and several members of the group were arrested. A federal judge just overturned the anti-sharing law in Orlando, Fla., but the city is appealing.

And now Middletown, Conn., is cracking down on food sharing.

If poverty tends to criminalize people, it is also true that criminalization inexorably impoverishes them. Scott Lovell, another homeless man I interviewed in Washington, earned his record by committing a significant crime - by participating in the armed robbery of a steakhouse when he was 15. Although Mr. Lovell dresses and speaks more like a summer tourist from Ohio than a felon, his criminal record has made it extremely difficult for him to find a job.

For Al Szekely, the arrest for trespassing meant a further descent down the circles of hell. While in jail, he lost his slot in the shelter and now sleeps outside the Verizon Center sports arena, where the big problem, in addition to the security guards, is mosquitoes. His stick-thin arms are covered with pink crusty sores, which he treats with a regimen of frantic scratching.

For the not-yet-homeless, there are two main paths to criminalization - one involving debt, and the other skin color. Anyone of any color or pre-recession financial status can fall into debt, and although we pride ourselves on the abolition of debtors' prison, in at least one state, Texas, people who can't afford to pay their traffic fines may be made to "sit out their tickets" in jail.

Often the path to legal trouble begins when one of your creditors has a court issue a summons for you, which you fail to honor for one reason or another. (Maybe your address has changed or you never received it.) Now you're in contempt of court. Or suppose you miss a payment and, before you realize it, your car insurance lapses; then you're stopped for something like a broken headlight. Depending on the state, you may have your car impounded or face a steep fine - again, exposing you to a possible summons. "There's just no end to it once the cycle starts," said Robert Solomon of Yale Law School. "It just keeps accelerating."

By far the most reliable way to be criminalized by poverty is to have the wrong-color skin. Indignation runs high when a celebrity professor encounters racial profiling, but for decades whole communities have been effectively "profiled" for the suspicious combination of being both dark-skinned and poor, thanks to the "broken windows" or "zero tolerance" theory of policing popularized by Rudy Giuliani, when he was mayor of New York City, and his police chief William Bratton.

Flick a cigarette in a heavily patrolled community of color and you're littering; wear the wrong color T-shirt and you're displaying gang allegiance. Just strolling around in a dodgy neighborhood can mark you as a potential suspect, according to "Let's Get Free: A Hip-Hop Theory of Justice," an eye-opening new book by Paul Butler, a former federal prosecutor in Washington. If you seem at all evasive, which I suppose is like looking "overly anxious" in an airport, Mr. Butler writes, the police "can force you to stop just to investigate why you don't want to talk to them." And don't get grumpy about it or you could be "resisting arrest."

There's no minimum age for being sucked into what the Children's Defense Fund calls "the cradle-to-prison pipeline." In New York City, a teenager caught in public housing without an ID - say, while visiting a friend or relative - can be charged with criminal trespassing and wind up in juvenile detention, Mishi Faruqee, the director of youth justice programs for the Children's Defense Fund of New York, told me. In just the past few months, a growing number of cities have taken to ticketing and sometimes handcuffing teenagers found on the streets during school hours.

In Los Angeles, the fine for truancy is $250; in Dallas, it can be as much as $500 - crushing amounts for people living near the poverty level. According to the Los Angeles Bus Riders Union, an advocacy group, 12,000 students were ticketed for truancy in 2008.

Why does the Bus Riders Union care? Because it estimates that 80 percent of the "truants," especially those who are black or Latino, are merely late for school, thanks to the way that over-filled buses whiz by them without stopping. I met people in Los Angeles who told me they keep their children home if there's the slightest chance of their being late. It's an ingenious anti-truancy policy that discourages parents from sending their youngsters to school.

The pattern is to curtail financing for services that might help the poor while ramping up law enforcement: starve school and public transportation budgets, then make truancy illegal. Shut down public housing, then make it a crime to be homeless. Be sure to harass street vendors when there are few other opportunities for employment. The experience of the poor, and especially poor minorities, comes to resemble that of a rat in a cage scrambling to avoid erratically administered electric shocks.

And if you should make the mistake of trying to escape via a brief marijuana-induced high, it's "gotcha" all over again, because that of course is illegal too. One result is our staggering level of incarceration, the highest in the world. Today the same number of Americans - 2.3 million - reside in prison as in public housing.

Meanwhile, the public housing that remains has become ever more prisonlike, with residents subjected to drug testing and random police sweeps. The safety net, or what's left of it, has been transformed into a dragnet.

Some of the community organizers I've talked to around the country think they know why "zero tolerance" policing has ratcheted up since the recession began. Leonardo Vilchis of the Union de Vecinos, a community organization in Los Angeles, suspects that "poor people have become a source of revenue" for recession-starved cities, and that the police can always find a violation leading to a fine. If so, this is a singularly demented fund-raising strategy. At a Congressional hearing in June, the president of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers testified about the pervasive "overcriminalization of crimes that are not a risk to public safety," like sleeping in a cardboard box or jumping turnstiles, which leads to expensively clogged courts and prisons.

A Pew Center study released in March found states spending a record $51.7 billion on corrections, an amount that the center judged, with an excess of moderation, to be "too much."

But will it be enough - the collision of rising prison populations that we can't afford and the criminalization of poverty - to force us to break the mad cycle of poverty and punishment? With the number of people in poverty increasing (some estimates suggest it's up to 45 million to 50 million, from 37 million in 2007) several states are beginning to ease up on the criminalization of poverty - for example, by sending drug offenders to treatment rather than jail, shortening probation and reducing the number of people locked up for technical violations like missed court appointments. But others are tightening the screws: not only increasing the number of "crimes" but also charging prisoners for their room and board - assuring that they'll be released with potentially criminalizing levels of debt.

Maybe we can't afford the measures that would begin to alleviate America's growing poverty - affordable housing, good schools, reliable public transportation and so forth. I would argue otherwise, but for now I'd be content with a consensus that, if we can't afford to truly help the poor, neither can we afford to go on tormenting them.

Barbara Ehrenreich is the author, most recently, of "This Land Is Their Land: Reports From a Divided Nation."

Copyright 2009 The New York Times Company.

This and other news about the criminalization of poverty can be found at www.realcostofprisons.org/blog/

Sunday, June 28, 2009

Next of Kin

I am an educated woman. I've studied the prison industrial complex extensively, compared even to people more educated than me. I've read the works of scholars like Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Angela Davis, and Joy James. I've struck gold with books put out by collectives like Critical Resistance and Incite! Women of Color Against Violence.

I consider myself to be an abolitionist. There's no such thing as a good prison, etc. etc. I'm as much of a skeptic as I am an idealist. I was originally radicalized in my 20's doing outreach to people with mental illness who were dying in the shelters, jails, and streets. I think our society is - by and large - racist, classist, elitist, and of course misogynistic and patriarchal. I suspect that the criminal justice system functions exactly as it's intended to, even when it incarcerates the "innocent", and kills the people we so casually toss aside. It keeps all the potential riff raff in line to know that even they could go to prison any time.

We'll spend $26,000 per prisoner per year on incarceration - about 10% of Arizona's state budget. That's a real commitment. That's more than a year of grad school at the University of Michigan costs. That tells me that mass incarceration is paying off for someone. It's an investment. We're talking about leasing prison facilities for 50 years. We're reserving room for our great grandchildren there.

I think a lot about the implications of that.

Marcia's death triggered me to start this blog, to reach out to others, and to at least try to take meaningful action after years of trying to tame my own demons. But it also distracted me from the central tasks of abolition, which are not located in individual crisis-intervention or reforming our prisons; the real work to be done is in transforming our communities. As Montini points out in his column today, the challenge that Marcia Powell represents has to do with how she lived, not how she died.

I know if I go to her service I will cry, but perhaps it is time. Grief still dwells in me for so many people I know who lived and died alone, virtually unknown to all but their keepers and fellow travellers in the various institutions we erect to confine or correct them. For several I was next of kin. I was one of the few who witnessed Love manifest in their lives in moments of profound generosity and kindness towards those who suffered with them. A salvaged cigarette butt shared around the fire. A seat given up to an old solider or a young mother at the free meal. A word of concern about a sick neighbor to a shelter worker. A few bucks hustled up to pay for an elder's medication. A makeshift memorial in tribute to a street preacher. A smile. A hug. A friend. Half of nothing to someone who has even less.

Those good souls deserve far more respect and consideration than the swaggering politicians and upstanding citizens who toss pennies, platitudes, and criminal sanctions at the poor when they beg on the sidewalk and make up new life stories - lies to justify their existence - on signs at freeway exits.

It isn't that I don't see the bigger picture. It's that I've been riveted to thousands of tiny pieces through the years, an intimate observer to so many tortured minds and shattered lives, and I know it doesn't have to be that way. No one "deserves" to be thrown away. It is us, not so much "them", who need to change. Perhaps then we will finally elect a government that represents the heart of The People instead of the financial interests of the petty, selfish, Privileged Few.